The Fourth State Duma began work on November 15, 1912. With the outbreak of the First World War, the regular nature of the work of the Duma was disrupted. During the February Revolution of 1917, members of the Duma 27.2 (12.3) .1917 formed the Provisional Committee The State Duma to establish order in Petrograd and to communicate with institutions and individuals. On 2 (15) .3.1917, the committee announced the creation of the Provisional Government.
FROM THE THIRD TO THE FOURTH DUMA
From the memoirs of P.N. Milyukova
The assassination of Stolypin on September 2, 1911 was the natural end of that stage in the history of our domestic politics, which is represented by the Third State Duma. If it is impossible to put a sufficiently clear notch here, it is primarily because the short intermezzo of Kokovtsov's chairmanship somewhat obscured the political meaning of the new turn. It might seem that the transition from the Third Duma to the Fourth is a simple continuation of what has been established over the previous five years. But we already know that nothing "was established" there, and only the internal struggle between the supporters of the old and the new system "continued". With the advent of the Fourth Duma, this struggle entered a new stage. It was impossible to predict right away that this stage would be the last, for there was not yet that third factor that tilted the denouement of the struggle in the direction opposite to the one towards which the authorities were striving. This factor, which resolved the dispute between the country and the authorities, was the war.
Leaving this factor aside for the time being, one could, however, already immediately foresee that in the Fourth Duma the struggle between autocracy and popular representation would be waged under different conditions than it was waged in the Third Duma. There, a last attempt was made to establish at least the semblance of some balance between the fighting forces. Here this semblance disappeared, and the struggle went into the open. In the Third Duma, the attacking side was power; the public, poorly organized, only defended itself, barely holding its positions and making a compromise with the authorities. The essence of the change that took place in the Fourth Duma was that compromise proved to be impossible and lost all meaning. Together with him, the middle current that represented him disappeared. The "center" disappeared, and with it the fictitious government majority disappeared. The two opposite camps now stood openly against each other. Between them, the further, the more, the available composition of the people's representation was distributed. It is difficult to say how this struggle would have ended if the opponents had been left to themselves.
It was more or less known that the question of government influence on elections was primarily limited to the issue of government subsidies. Subsequently, V.N.Kokovtsov reported accurate data. Already in 1910, Stolypin began preparations, demanding four million from the Minister of Finance for the elections. "All that I have been able to do," says Kokovtsov, "is to spread this amount by installments, reducing it simply indiscriminately, in the manner of ordinary bargaining, to a little over three million and to stretch this figure for three years 1910-1912" ...
And what a campaign it was! All politically suspicious persons were unceremoniously withdrawn from participation in the elections. Whole categories of people were deprived of voting rights or the opportunity to actually participate in elections. Zemstvo chiefs were present at the elections. Unwanted elections were canceled. Pre-election meetings were not allowed, and the very names of unwanted parties were forbidden to pronounce, write or print. Voter congresses were divided into any groups to form an artificial majority. The entire first period of the selection of representatives of the first stage passed into darkness. Smallholders were almost entirely absent; on the other hand, along with the spiritual leadership, priests were mobilized, who were the masters of the situation. In 49 provinces, there were 7,142 priests for 8764 authorized representatives, and just to avoid a scandal it was forbidden to send more than 150 clerics to the Duma; instead, they had to vote for government candidates everywhere.
The next stage of choosing electors took place more deliberately, but here all the methods of political pressure came into force. Only in the cities - and especially in the five large cities with separate representation - was there an open public influence on elections. Here passed the deputies, known for their opposition, and the Octobrists (who at the same time were also blackballed from the right) were voted out. It would be completely impossible to paint any complete picture of organized violence in these elections. But what happened as a result? Let's take a look at the comparative table of party groupings in the Third and the Fourth Duma (see Appendix 2).
At first glance, the difference is not so great - with the exception of the transition of votes from the Octobrists to the right (-35 +40) and the consolidation of both opposition parties at their own expense (+15). In fact, not only moral, but also real meaning these changes are very great.
LAST PARLIAMENT OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE
The fourth and last of the State Dumas of the Russian Empire operated from November 15, 1912 to February 25, 1917. It was elected under the same electoral law as the Third State Duma.
The elections to the IV State Duma took place in the autumn (September-October) 1912. They showed that the forward movement of Russian society is moving along the path of establishing parliamentarism in the country. The election campaign, in which the leaders of the bourgeois parties actively participated, took place in an atmosphere of discussion: whether or not there should be a constitution in Russia. Even some candidates for deputies from among the right-wing political parties advocated the constitutional order ...
Sessions of the IV Duma opened on November 15, 1912. Octobrist Mikhail Rodzianko was its chairman. The comrades of the chairman of the Duma were Prince Vladimir Mikhailovich Volkonsky and Prince Dmitry Dmitrievich Urusov. Secretary of the State Duma - Ivan Ivanovich Dmitriukov. The comrades of the secretary are Nikolai Nikolaevich Lvov (Senior Fellow of the Secretary), Nikolai Ivanovich Antonov, Victor Parfenievich Basakov, Gaisa Khamidullovich Enikeev, Alexander Dmitrievich Zarin, Vasily Pavlovich Shein.
The main factions of the IV State Duma were: the right-wing and nationalists (157 seats), the Octobrists (98), the progressists (48), the Cadets (59), which still constituted two Duma majorities (depending on who they were blocking with at that moment Octobrists: Octobrist-Cadet or Octobrist-Right). In addition to them, Trudoviks (10) and Social Democrats (14) were represented in the Duma. The Party of Progressives took shape in November 1912 and adopted a program that provided for a constitutional-monarchical system with the responsibility of ministers to the people's representation, the expansion of the rights of the State Duma, etc. The emergence of this party (between the Octobrists and the Cadets) was an attempt to consolidate the liberal movement. The Bolsheviks, led by L.B. Rosenfeld, took part in the work of the Duma. and the Mensheviks headed by Chkheidze N.S. They introduced 3 bills (on the 8-hour working day, on social insurance, on national equality), rejected by the majority ...
As a result of the elections to the Fourth State Duma in October 1912, the government found itself in even greater isolation, since the Octobrists now firmly stood on a par with the Cadets in legal opposition.
In an atmosphere of growing tension in society, in March 1914, two inter-party conferences were held with the participation of representatives of the Cadets, Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Left Octobrists, progressives, non-party intellectuals, at which questions of coordinating the activities of left and liberal parties were discussed in order to prepare off-Duma speeches. Started in 1914 World War temporarily suppressed the inflamed opposition movement. At first, the majority of parties (excluding the Social Democrats) voted for confidence in the government. At the suggestion of Nicholas II in June 1914, the Council of Ministers discussed the question of transforming the Duma from a legislative body to a consultative one. On July 24, 1914, the Council of Ministers was granted extraordinary powers, i.e. he received the right to decide most cases on behalf of the emperor.
At an emergency meeting of the IV Duma on July 26, 1914, the leaders of the right-wing and liberal-bourgeois factions called to rally around the "sovereign leader who is leading Russia into a holy battle with the enemy of the Slavs", postponing "internal disputes" and "scores" with the government. However, setbacks at the front, the growth of the strike movement, and the inability of the government to ensure the administration of the country stimulated the activity of political parties and their opposition. Against this background, the Fourth Duma entered into an acute conflict with the executive branch.
In August 1915, at a meeting of members of the State Duma and the State Council, the Progressive Bloc was formed, which included the Cadets, Octobrists, Progressives, part of the nationalists (236 out of 422 members of the Duma) and three groups of the State Council. Octobrist S.I.Shidlovsky became the chairman of the Bureau of the Progressive Bloc, and P.N. Milyukov became the de facto leader. The bloc's declaration, published in the Rech newspaper on August 26, 1915, was of a compromise nature, providing for the creation of a government of "public confidence." The bloc's program included demands for a partial amnesty, an end to the persecution for the faith, the autonomy of Poland, the abolition of restrictions on the rights of Jews, the restoration of trade unions and the workers' press. The bloc was supported by some members of the State Council and the Synod. The bloc's irreconcilable position in relation to state power, its sharp criticism led to the political crisis of 1916, which became one of the reasons for the February Revolution.
On September 3, 1915, after the Duma accepted the loans allocated by the government for the war, it was dismissed for a vacation. The Duma met again only in February 1916. On December 16, 1916, it was again dissolved. Resumed activity on February 14, 1917 on the eve of the February abdication of Nicholas II. On February 25, 1917, it was again dissolved and no longer officially met, but formally and in fact existed. The Fourth Duma played a leading role in the establishment of the Provisional Government, under which it actually worked in the form of "private meetings". On October 6, 1917, the Provisional Government decided to dissolve the Duma in connection with preparations for the elections to the Constituent Assembly.
Encyclopedia "Krugosvet"
THE FOURTH DUMA AND THE GOVERNMENT
The State Duma has become such an essential factor in Russian life that the government could not but be interested in the outcome of the upcoming elections. Stolypin at one time intended to provide broad support to moderate right-wing parties, especially nationalists. VN Kokovtsov believed, on the contrary, that one should interfere in the elections as little as possible. General management of the elections was entrusted to Comrade. Minister of Internal Affairs A. N. Kharuzin; campaigning was left to the local governors' initiative. In only one respect has a more serious attempt been made to influence the elections. The law of June 3 granted decisive importance to the curia of landowners. Where there were few large landowners, the majority belonged to representatives from small landowners, and among them, in turn, rural priests prevailed, who were considered, as it were, the owners of church plots of land. The Chief Prosecutor of the Synod, through the local bishops, suggested that the clergy take the most active part in the elections. The result of this prescription was unexpectedly impressive: priests were elected everywhere at the congresses of small landowners; in twenty provinces they accounted for over 90 percent of the delegates, and in total 81 percent! The press sounded the alarm. They began to write that there would be almost two hundred priests in the new Duma. Large landowners were also worried. But the clergy, in general, showed little interest in politics; appearing at the elections at the direction of the diocesan authorities, they did not constitute any special party and did not always vote for the rightists. The priests only blackballed several prominent Octobrists who defended bills on freedom of conscience in the Third Duma. The chairman of the G. Duma himself, MV Rodzianko, passed only thanks to the fact that the government, having heeded his requests, assigned priests to a special curia for the county where he ran for electors.
The first official statistics of the new Duma seemed to confirm this information: there were 146 rightists, 81 nationalists, 80 Octobrists, 130 of the entire opposition ... , while many of them were Octobrists, or even progressives ... The right-wing majority that existed on paper melted away. It turned out that if the Octobrists suffered a little (there were about 100 of them left), then the Cadets became stronger. and progressives; the nationalists split, the "group of the center" separated from them to the left; as a result, the right wing hardly increased.
Even more significant was the fact that the Octobrists this time passed for the most part, against the wishes of the authorities. The same result, which in 1907 was a victory for the government, turned out to be a success for the opposition in 1912. This did not take long to affect the election of the presidium. This time the Octobrists entered into an agreement with the Left. MV Rodzianko was re-elected chairman against the votes of the nationalists and the right; Progressist was elected vice chairman.182 In his opening speech Rodzianko spoke about "strengthening the constitutional order", about "eliminating unacceptable arbitrariness" - moreover, the right wing demonstratively left the conference room. Menshikov wrote in Novoye Vremya about the "experiment with the Left Duma." When discussing the declaration of V.N. the Duma "invites the government to firmly and openly embark on the path of implementation of the beginning of the manifesto of October 17 and the establishment of strict legality." The Third Duma never spoke with authority in such a tone.
For all that, in the new Duma there was neither a definite majority, nor a desire to wage a systematic struggle with the government, especially since the events foreign policy at the end of 1912, it was overshadowed by internal conflicts.
S.S. Oldenburg. Reign of Emperor Nicholas II
http://www.empire-history.ru/empires-211-66.html
Verbatim records of meetings of the IV State Duma.
Members of the State Duma: portraits and biographies. Fourth convocation, 1912-1917
Elections to the I-IV State Dumas of the Russian Empire (Memoirs of contemporaries. Materials and documents.) / CEC of the Russian Federation. Ed. A. V. Ivanchenko. - M., 2008.
Kiryanov IK, Lukyanov MN Parliament of Autocratic Russia: State Duma and its Deputies, 1906-1917. Perm: Perm University Publishing House, 1995.
Yu.P. Rodionov. Formation of Russian parliamentarism at the beginning of the twentieth century
Glinka Ya.V. Eleven years in the State Duma. 1906-1917. M., New Literary Review, 2001.
The Fourth State Duma is the Russian representative legislative body that operated from November 15, 1912 to February 25, 1917. The Fourth State Duma was officially dissolved on October 6 (19), 1917. Formally, five sessions of the Fourth State Duma were held. The activities of the Fourth State Duma took place in the conditions of the First World War (1914-1918) and the revolutionary crisis that ended with the overthrow of tsarism.
Elections to the Fourth State Duma were held in September-October 1912. The Fourth State Duma retained the Right-wing Octobrist and Octobrist-Cadet majority, which set the tone in the previous Duma. Among 442 deputies of nationalists and moderate right there were 120, Octobrists - 98, right - 65, cadets - 59, progressives - 48, three national groups (Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian group, Polish Kolo, Muslim group) numbered 21 deputies, social democrats - 14 (Bolsheviks - 6, Mensheviks - 7, one deputy, who was not a full member of the faction, joined the Mensheviks), Trudoviks - 10, non-party - 7. The chairman of the State Duma was Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko. The Octobrists played the role of the "center" in the State Duma, forming, depending on the situation, the Right-wing (283 votes) or Octobrist-Cadet (226 votes) majority. A characteristic feature of the Fourth State Duma was the growth of the "progressives" faction, intermediate between the Octobrists and the Cadets.
The government bombarded the State Duma with many minor bills. During the first and second sessions (1912-1914), over two thousand small bills were introduced; at the same time, non-parliamentary legislation was widely practiced. The Octobrist-Cadet majority, which prevailed in the State Duma, showed itself in a number of votes in opposition to the government, in attempts to show legislative initiative. However, the legislative initiatives of the Octobrists and Cadets were stuck in the Duma commissions or failed by the State Council.
With the outbreak of the First World War, meetings of the State Duma were held irregularly, legislation was implemented by the government in a non-Duma manner. On July 26, 1914, a one-day emergency session of the State Duma took place, at which the Duma members voted for war credits. The Social Democratic faction opposed the provision of war credits. The next third session of the Fourth State Duma was convened on January 27, 1915 to adopt the budget. The defeat of the Russian troops in the spring and summer of 1915, the crisis of state power, caused an increase in opposition sentiments in the State Duma. On July 19, 1915, the fourth session of the Fourth State Duma opened. Only the extreme right-wing deputies fully supported the government. Most of the factions of the State Duma and some of the factions of the State Council criticized the government and demanded the creation of a government cabinet enjoying the "confidence of the country." Negotiations between the Duma factions led to the signing on August 22 of a formal agreement on the creation of the Progressive Bloc (236 deputies). The right and nationalists remained outside the bloc. The Trudoviks and Mensheviks, although they were not part of the bloc, actually supported it. The creation of the Progressive Bloc meant the emergence of a majority in the State Duma that was in opposition to the government. The Progressive Bloc program envisaged the creation of a "government of confidence", a partial amnesty for political and religious crimes, the abolition of certain restrictions on the rights of national minorities, and the restoration of trade union activities. The creation of a "government of confidence", the composition of which actually had to be coordinated with the State Duma, meant limiting the powers of Emperor Nicholas II, which was unacceptable for him. On September 3, 1915, the State Duma was dissolved for holidays and resumed its sessions on February 9, 1916.
The fifth session of the Fourth State Duma, which opened on November 1, 1916, began its work with a discussion general position in the country. The progressive bloc demanded the resignation of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers B.V. Sturmer, who was accused of Germanophilia. On November 10, Sturmer retired. The new head of government A.F. Trepov invited the State Duma to consider several private bills. In response, the State Duma expressed no confidence in the government. She was joined by the Council of State. This testified to the political isolation of the tsar and his government. On December 16, 1916, the State Duma was dissolved. On the day of the resumption of its meetings, February 14, 1917, representatives of the Duma parties organized demonstrations in front of the Tauride Palace under the slogan of confidence in the State Duma. Demonstrations and strikes destabilized the situation in Petrograd and took on a revolutionary character. By a decree on February 25, 1917, the sessions of the State Duma were interrupted. The State Duma was no longer going to, but formally continued to exist and to influence the development of events. On February 27 (March 12), at the height of the February Revolution of 1917, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma was created, which on March 2 (15), after negotiations with the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, formed the Provisional Government. In the subsequent period, the activities of the State Duma took place under the guise of "private meetings" of its deputies. On the whole, the Duma members opposed the power of the Soviets. On October 6 (19), 1917, the Provisional Government officially dissolved the State Duma in view of the start of elections to the Constituent Assembly. 18 (31) December 1917 by decree of the Council people's commissars the offices of the State Duma and its Provisional Committee were abolished.
D. Among 442 elected deputies, the relative majority remained with the Octobrists (98 seats), although the composition of the State Duma was somewhat to the left of the previous one. Before the elections, there were calls in the right-wing press to increase the number of representatives from the clergy among the deputies, to create a "purple" Duma. Chief Prosecutor of the Synod V.K. Sabler suggested to Bishop Eulogius (Georgievsky) to organize a separate faction from the clergy, but Vladyka refused and did not take part in the elections. As a result, 48 Orthodox clergymen became members of the Duma, including the Kremenets Bishop Nikon (Bessonov) (later removed from his rank and monasticism) and the Elisavetgrad Bishop Anatoly (Kamensky). Among the deputies were the schmch. Archpriest Alexy Budrin and schmch. V.P. Shein (later archimandrite Sergius). The overwhelming majority of the clergy deputies joined the right wing and the nationalist faction. A Muslim group was created again, which consisted of 6 deputies.
The opening of the IV State Duma took place on November 15, M.V. Rodzianko, V.N. Kokovtsov. In particular, he called on the deputies to direct their efforts towards "the unswerving protection of the unity and indivisibility of the empire, the primacy of the Russian nationality and the Orthodox faith, which have been the basis of Russian state life since ancient times."
Commissions were again formed on religious issues (chaired by the nationalist Z.M. Blagonravov) and on Orthodox Church(chairman - Lvov). At the beginning of its work, the Duma passed a resolution that it would consider bills that had not been adopted during the previous convocation, in particular on religious topics: , and including to the Old Believers and to sects that have separated from Orthodoxy, as well as to legal provisions that allow civil authorities to intervene in the spiritual relations of individuals "," On the permission of heterodox and heterodox divine services and prayers and the construction, arrangement, renewal and repair of heterodox and non-faith prayer buildings "," On Roman Catholic monasteries ", etc. But already on December 7, the Ministry of Internal Affairs withdrew these bills for revision.
At that moment, the February Revolution of 1917 began in Petrograd.On February 27, the Council of Elders of the Duma formed the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (headed by
April 27, 1906 opened The State Duma- the first assembly of people's representatives in the history of Russia with legislative rights.
The first elections to the State Duma were held in an atmosphere of continuing revolutionary upsurge and high civil activity of the population. For the first time in the history of Russia, legal political parties, began to conduct open political campaigning. These elections brought a convincing victory to the Cadets - the Party of People's Freedom, the most organized and included in its composition the flower of the Russian intelligentsia. The extreme left parties (Bolsheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries) boycotted the elections. Some of the peasant deputies and radical intellectuals formed a "labor group" in the Duma. Moderate deputies formed a “peaceful renewal” faction, but there were not much more than 5% of them. general composition Duma. The rightists found themselves in the minority in the First Duma.
The State Duma opened on April 27, 1906. S.A. Muromtsev, a professor, a prominent lawyer, and a representative of the Cadet Party, was almost unanimously elected Chairman of the Duma.
The composition of the Duma was determined at 524 members. The elections were neither general nor equal. The voting rights were possessed by Russian male subjects who had reached the age of 25 and met a number of estate-property requirements. Students, military personnel and persons on trial or convicted were not allowed to participate in the elections.
The elections were carried out in several stages, according to the curiae, formed according to the estate-property principle: landowners, peasants and the urban curia. The electors from the curia formed provincial assemblies, which elected the deputies. Most big cities had a separate representative office. Elections on the outskirts of the empire were carried out according to curiae, formed mainly according to the religious-national principle, with the provision of advantages to the Russian population. The so-called "wandering foreigners" were generally deprived of the right to vote. In addition, the representation of the outskirts was reduced. A separate workers' curia was also formed, which elected 14 deputies of the Duma. In 1906, there was one elector for 2 thousand landowners (mainly landowners), 4 thousand townspeople, 30 thousand peasants and 90 thousand workers.
The State Duma was elected for a five-year term, but even before the expiration of this term, it could be dissolved at any time by decree of the emperor. At the same time, the emperor was legally obliged to simultaneously appoint new elections to the Duma and the date for its convocation. Sessions of the Duma could also be interrupted at any time by an imperial decree. The duration of the annual classes of the State Duma and the timing of the break of its studies during the year were determined by decrees of the emperor.
The main competence of the State Duma was budgetary. The state list of income and expenses, together with the financial estimates of ministries and main departments, was subject to the consideration and approval of the Duma, with the exception of: loans for the expenses of the Ministry of the Imperial Court and institutions under its jurisdiction in amounts not exceeding the list of 1905, and changes in these loans due to " Institution of the Imperial Family "; credits for expenses not provided for by the estimates for "urgent needs during the year" (in an amount not exceeding the list of 1905); payments on government debts and other government obligations; income and expenses contributed to the draft painting on the basis of applicable laws, regulations, states, timetables and imperial orders given in the order of the supreme government.
The First and Second Dumas were dissolved before the deadline, the sessions of the Fourth Duma were interrupted by a decree on February 25, 1917. Only the Third Duma worked for the full term.
I State Duma(April-July 1906) - lasted 72 days. The Duma is predominantly Cadet. The first meeting opened on April 27, 1906. The distribution of seats in the Duma: Octobrists - 16, Cadets 179, Trudoviks 97, non-party 105, representatives of the national outlying districts 63, Social Democrats 18. At the call of the RSDLP and Socialist-Revolutionaries, basically boycotted the elections to the Duma. 57% of the agrarian commission were cadets. They submitted to the Duma an agrarian bill, which dealt with the compulsory alienation, for a fair remuneration, of that part of the landlord's land that was cultivated on the basis of a semi-serf labor system or leased to peasants on an enslaving lease. In addition, state, cabinet and monastery lands were alienated. All land is transferred to the state land fund, from which the peasants will be endowed with it as private property. As a result of the discussion, the commission recognized the principle of compulsory land acquisition. In May 1906, the head of the government, Goremykin, issued a declaration in which he denied the Duma the right to solve the agrarian question in this way, as well as to expand electoral rights, in the ministry responsible to the Duma, in the abolition of the State Council, in a political amnesty. The Duma expressed mistrust to the government, but the latter could not resign (since it was responsible to the tsar). A Duma crisis arose in the country. Some ministers spoke in favor of the entry of the Cadets into the government. Milyukov raised the question of a purely Cadet government, a general political amnesty, the abolition of the death penalty, the liquidation of the State Council, universal suffrage, and the compulsory alienation of the landlords' lands. Goremykin signed a decree dissolving the Duma. In response, about 200 deputies signed an appeal to the people in Vyborg, where they called on them to passive resistance.
II State Duma(February-June 1907) - opened on February 20, 1907 and lasted 103 days. 65 Social Democrats, 104 Trudoviks, 37 Socialist-Revolutionaries were elected to the Duma. There were 222 people in total. The peasant question remained central. The Trudoviks proposed 3 bills, the essence of which was to develop free farms on a free land. On June 1, 1907, Stolypin, using a fake, decided to get rid of the strong left wing and accused 55 Social Democrats of conspiring to establish a republic. The Duma created a commission to investigate the circumstances. The commission concluded that the charge was sheer forgery. On June 3, 1907, the tsar signed a manifesto to dissolve the Duma and to amend the electoral law. The coup d'état on June 3, 1907 marked the end of the revolution.
III State Duma(1907-1912) - 442 deputies.
Activity of the III Duma:
June 3, 1907 - amendment to the electoral law.
The majority in the Duma were: the Right-Octobrist and Octobrist-Cadet blocs. Party composition: Octobrists, Black Hundreds, Cadets, Progressives, Peaceful Renovators, Social Democrats, Trudoviks, non-party members, Muslim group, deputies from Poland. The largest number The Octobrist Party (125 people) had deputies. Over 5 years of work, 2,197 bills have been approved
Main questions:
1) worker: 4 draft laws were considered by the commission min. fin. Kokovtsev (on insurance, on conflict commissions, on shortening the working day, on the elimination of the law that punishes participation in strikes). They were limited in 1912.
2) national question: on zemstvos in the western provinces (the question of creating electoral curiae on a national basis; the law was adopted regarding 6 out of 9 provinces); the Finnish question (an attempt by political forces to achieve independence from Russia, a law was passed on equalizing the rights of Russian citizens with Finnish citizens, a law on the payment of 20 million marks by Finland in exchange for military service, a law on limiting the rights of the Finnish Sejm).
3) agrarian question: associated with the Stolypin reform.
Conclusion: the third June system is the second step towards the transformation of the autocracy into a bourgeois monarchy.
Elections: multi-stage (occurred in 4 unequal curiae: landowning, urban, workers, peasants). Half of the population (women, students, military personnel) were deprived of the right to vote.
IV State Duma(1912-1917) - Chairman Rodzianko. The Duma was dissolved by the interim government due to the beginning of the elections to the Constituent Assembly.
After the dissolution of the 2nd State Duma, the government amended the electoral law, and since these changes were made without the participation of Duma deputies, in Russian society they were regarded as a coup d'etat. The new electoral law changed the ratio of electors in favor of the landlords and the big bourgeoisie (3% of the elite of society were elected by two-thirds of all deputies), the representation of the national borderlands was reduced. Total number deputies decreased from 534 to 442.
Elections to the 3rd State Duma were held in the fall of 1907, its work began on November 1, 1907. The 3rd Duma became the only one in the history of the Russian Empire that fulfilled the time allotted to it - five sessions. The Duma worked under the chairmanship of the Octobrists N.A. Khomyakova, A.I. Guchkova and M.V. Rodzianko. The composition of the 3rd State Duma: 148 centrists from the "Union of October 17", 54 cadets, 144 Black Hundreds, 28 progressives, 26 bourgeois nationalists, 14 Trudoviks, 19 social democrats.
Thus, the outcome of the voting in the 3rd State Duma was completely dependent on the Octobrists. They entered into an alliance with the Black Hundreds and organized a center-right majority; in an alliance with the Cadets, an Octobrist-Cadet majority was formed. The Duma was an obedient instrument in the hands of the government it headed. With the support of the right-wing, he blocked all the initiatives of the Cadets, the basis of his policy was the slogan "First calm, then reforms."
The main questions facing the 3rd State Duma: agrarian, worker, national.
The "Stolypin" version of the agrarian reform was adopted (based on the decree of January 9, 1906). On the work issue, a law was passed on state insurance against accidents and sickness. On the national question, zemstvos were formed in nine Ukrainian and Belarusian provinces, Finland was deprived of autonomy.
Elections to the 4th State Duma were held in the fall of 1912. The number of deputies was 442, the Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko. Composition: Black Hundreds - 184, Octobrists - 99, Cadets - 58, Trudoviks - 10, Social Democrats - 14, Progressives - 47, non-party, etc. - 5.
The alignment of forces remained the alignment of the previous Duma, the Octobrists still performed the functions of the center, but the progressives began to have more weight.
However, the Duma of the 4th convocation began to play a lesser role in the life of the country, since the government passed only secondary laws through it, leaving behind itself the solution of the main legislative tasks.
In the 4th Duma, as in the 3rd, two majorities were possible: the right-Octobrist (283 deputies) and the Octobrist-Cadet (225 deputies) - it became predominant in the work of the 4th State Duma. Deputies increasingly came up with legislative initiatives and slowed down the passage of state laws... However, the overwhelming majority of the draft laws objectionable to the government were blocked by the State Council.
The unsuccessful course of hostilities drew sharp criticism of the government from the Duma. Most of the factions demanded the creation of a cabinet and the transfer of power into his hands. Around this idea, not only the Duma majority rallied, but also representatives of the State Council. In August 1915, the Progressive Bloc was created in parliament, consisting of 236 deputies, which included representatives of the Octobrists, Progressives, Cadets and representatives of the State Council. The Mensheviks and Trudoviks did not support the bloc. Thus, a parliamentary bloc opposed to the government emerged.
On February 27, 1917, having gathered at an extraordinary meeting, a group of deputies organized the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, which, on the night of February 28, decided to take power into its own hands and create a government. On March 2, 1917, the Provisional Government was created, which, by its decision of October 6, dissolved the 4th Duma.
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